The Fear Of Nnamdi Kanu

The Fear Of Nnamdi Kanu

February 4, 2020

12:22 pm

Igbo leaders should call on the army to leave Nnamdi Kanu area immediately, allow the family to bury their parents in peace. This is how they first provoke and turn around to tag IPOB a terrorist organization. There are bombs going off here and there in the north, our highways are no longer safe, people are being kidnapped and Moslems separated from Christians, and the later taken away, most times, still killed after taking ransoms. The police are crying that they don’t have enough human capacity to police the nation. Most western states citizens don’t go home because of the over 1,300 terror cells discovered in the forest of Ondo, Ekiti, Ogun, Lagos, Oyo, and Edo. All these has led to their resorting to self-help by forming a regional security outfit.

There’s an uncontrolled terror that’s leading to murder and revenge murder in Jos, Taraba, Benue, Kaduna etc. Maiduguri is almost taken back by these Terrorists. Northern Federal house members and senators are crying on the floors of the Lower and Upper Chambers, about how insecurity has taken over their zones and LGs. Most northerners cannot go home, even with heavy security. One can go and on and write a 120 pages paperback about insecurity in the land. Yet, it won’t be enough. But, ignoring all these terror hotspots and admitting being surprise and expressing hopelessness over it. Where do the same Nigeria security forces want to show her military strength?

At the burial of a traditional ruler in Afaraukwu in Umuahia in Abia State. A zone, an area, a state and in a local council that has known peace, has no trace of terrorism and nothing whatsoever to attract such heavy security presence. Off course, before it sound like a poor student of history, the only violence, of recent, that can be traced to that area was exactly the one, security intruders caused to happen in 2017. Just like they’re about doing now. There’s no doubt going to be a large crowd that day, but nothing that a normal well trained police cannot grow.

But in sending an advanced team military days ahead of the burial of Nnamdi Kanu parents, the Nigerian army, the Nigerian government and President Buhari has just, unknown to them admitted that, “THE FEAR OF NNAMDI KANU IS THE BEGINNING POLITICAL WISDOM IF YOU WANT TO CONTINUE TO HOLD A NATION AND IT’S PEOPLE TO BONDAGE” You guys can keep it denying or pretending about it, but you have just admitted that Nnamdi Kanu is such a sociopolitical force among his people.

The presence of the military to guide that area out of fear of this dynamo has honoured and crowned him as one of the most feared revolutionist in Africa today.

Without throwing a single bomb, just with words, Nnamdi Kanu has shaken the nation far deeper than all the bombs that Boko Haram has been throwing.

By Mazi Peter Kalu   

Tension As Soldiers Invade

Nnamdi Kanu’s Community

February 2, 2020

3:34 pm

Residents of Afaraukwu Ibeku community, in Umuahia North Council of Abia State, the home town of the Leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB, Nnamdi Kanu, scampered to safety as over 100 fierce-looking soldiers invaded the community.

The IPOB leader’s parents, Eze Okwu and Ugoeze Kanu, will be laid to rest on February 14, 2020, at Afaraukwa.

NAN gathered that the situation caused tension as the residents shut their shops while others fled their homes as the soldiers patrolled the area in their armoured personnel carrier.

A resident said; The soldiers numbering over 100 in nine military veterans and 2 Armored personnel carriers have been patrolling Bank road to Flo FM.

“The Soldiers have blocked the entrance street to Eze Kanu’s Palace, Afaraukwa, Umuahia with their van, walking round the community on foot. Everyone was scared, we ran away,” he said.

Another resident who simply gave his name as Abarikwu said he was on his way back from church when he got a call that soldiers had invaded the community.

 ‘They Were To Kill

And Dump Me In

A Shallow Grave’ – Kanu Nnamdi Kanu, the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) has revealed how Nigerian security operatives had plotted to kill him and dump his body in a shallow grave along with fellow IPOB members on the day his house was raided by orders from the Nigerian Government.

In his words:

“‪On 29/01/2020, in his response to #BuhariResign @GarShehu tweeted that I jumped bail and disappeared ”into the thin air.” WRONG!”

“‪Nigerian Army invaded my home to assassinate me, read my story and join the heated discussion on the Independent’s website:”

It was 14 September 2017. I woke up with a start. It was about 4pm. I was still recuperating, and I was sleeping that afternoon in my room, and someone was shaking me and calling my name. I blinked. I might have started involuntarily. I was in my old home in Umuahia. My parents and other members of my family were there, brothers, nephews, nieces, cousins. We had friends and supporters outside and inside. I had felt safe, secure.

Then I heard the gunfire and I understood what the man standing over me was trying to tell me. I had to get up. I had to get out now. Soldiers had come. They were attacking the compound, shooting, killing my friends and family.

But I refused to go. I suppose for a minute or so I refused to believe what they were telling me: that the soldiers had come to kill me; I would be shot in the head, dumped among my dead companions in a shallow grave on the side of some road. They would say I had resisted arrest. That we had opened fire on the soldiers. That we were to blame. But we had no guns in the house. We only had our voices. And my men had been telling the soldiers they had no right to enter.

My name is Nnamdi Kanu. I am the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). All my life my colleagues and I have been working for Biafran self-determination, the right for the people of Biafra to choose their own destiny, to be free from persecution. You may remember the Biafran war, 50 years ago. In May 1967 Biafra was left with no choice but to secede from Nigeria only to face a vastly superior invasion army and a blockade of food supplies supported by governments as diverse as the UK and the Soviet Union.

You may remember those photographs of starving children, their bellies distended, crying with hunger, crying without tears because their tear ducts had dried up. Dying mothers, Biafran youth dead on the roads around Port Harcourt. How many Biafrans were killed because of this deliberate policy of starvation has been argued ever since. But it is in the millions. We believe five million. Other estimates are anything between one and eight million. But a handful of adults and children would have been too many, never mind millions.

It was a terrible and inglorious beginning to post-colonial African history. But that was 50 years ago. Now, today in 2019 the violent, brutal persecution of the Biafran people by the Nigerian state and their supporters continues unabated. I will give you facts and figures. I will tell you about the murders, the beatings, farmers driven from their land, young men unarmed except with the flag of our country, shot dead in the streets by those ostensibly sent to ‘protect’ us. I will tell you all these things.

But first… My men began to drag me from the bedroom. I protested. I didn’t want to leave my home. I wanted to confront the soldiers and ask them what they had come for. In just less than a month I had a court hearing. I was determined to be there. My story would be told. The world would know how the Nigerian Security Forces tried to keep me imprisoned without trial on trumped-up charges. How they refused to bring me to court when a judge demanded it. How they ignored the bail that had been posted. How there was still some faint ghost of independence among Nigeria’s judiciary. I would stay for that.

I was being bundled down the stairs and out into the compound at the back, away from the soldiers who had forced their way into the front of the house. My men pushed and pulled me towards the high perimeter wall

Overhead I could hear helicopter gunships, their propellers whirring with that sick, lazy beat they have when they hover. More gunfire. Shouting. Soldiers shouting. My men shouting. I realised the soldiers were not here to arrest me – they could have done that at any time. These were crack troops; they’d called in the air force. They were not here to negotiate my surrender.

I was being bundled down the stairs and out into the compound at the back, away from the soldiers who had forced their way into the front of the house. My men pushed and pulled me towards the high perimeter wall which ran the full circumference of the compound. Ten feet high. Somehow, they man-handled me to the top of this and I fell to the ground the other side.

A sharp, sharp pain literally took my breath away. My limbs flailed. My mouth opened but I couldn’t take in air. I had fallen on my left rib cage. I gasped, convinced that I had punctured my lung in the fall. I heard footsteps and people talking, more gunfire. And always the sound of helicopter blades ripping up the air above me. Then I blanked out.

More than 28 of my fellow IPOB members were killed that day. They had tried to defend my home, my family, without guns, without clubs, only with their bodies and their words. The soldiers even shot and killed the family dog. Initially the Nigerian army denied the assault, but footage and photographs show the attack as it happened and its aftermath.

I wish this had been an unusual day in Biafraland. Violence, harassment and persecution by the Nigerian state and their unofficial militia are constant these days. Biafrans have been persecuted and murdered since before I was born: from the killings of hundreds of Igbo people in Jos in 1945 to the attempted extermination of Biafrans during the war of 1967-70 and modern-day pogroms such as the on-going military attacks on Biafra by the Nigerian Army known as “Operation Python Dance”. Then there is the systematic cleansing of whole areas by Fulani herdsmen from the north. Biafrans have been butchered for reasons that range from religious intolerance, economic incompetence and xenophobic warmongering on the part of a Nigerian state that can hardly keep itself together.

The case of the so-called Muslim Fulani herdsmen from the north of Nigeria, who have already been recognised as terrorists by the international community, is a perfect example of this ongoing persecution. Government policies intended to take land from Biafra and give it to Fulani from the north are driven by a strong undertone of radical political Islam, their objective literally to change the landscape by creating a homeland for the Fulani in the south in order to dominate Nigeria’s political space indefinitely. The People of Biafra and the south of Nigeria are predominantly Christian and Jewish. The Fulani and other people of the north are Muslim. I don’t wish to stoke religious tensions – I am a man of faith and I respect the faith of others – but driving out Christian farmers to settle Muslim herdsmen on their land is not only economic insanity, it is ethnic cleansing.

According to the most recent Global Index on Terror, the first and fourth most deadly Islamic Terrorist organisations in the world operate in Nigeria. Boko Haram is first while the Fulani Herdsmen represent the fourth. More than 1,700 deaths were attributed to the Fulani in the first nine months of 2018. Little is done to stem the flow of violence from either group. The Nigerian army avoids confrontation with Boko Haram and the Fulani enjoy the tacit support of the Nigerian government. Meanwhile, the army is busy attacking peaceful Biafrans under the smoke screen of ‘military manoeuvres’.

What astonishes me, though, is the almost total silence from the world’s media, politicians and the international community surrounding this horrible persecution. The use of Fulani herdsmen to drive farmers from their land, with hundreds of men and women killed in peaceful farming communities in Plateau State and Adamawa and Enugu, documented by the Global Index on Terror and confirmed by Human Rights Watch, ought to be worthy enough of reporting. But we must add the killing and brutal beating by the Nigerian army and police of anyone who supports the Indigenous People of Biafra or calls for Biafran self-determination.

In 2017 Amnesty International recorded hundreds of killings of Biafrans by the Nigerian state. These killings cannot be disputed. The numbers since have not been collated but will be equal. Bodies are buried in shallow graves, thrown in the bush or left on the street. Since 2017 state oppression has included: the beating of young men attending a relative’s funeral in Onitsha in 2019; in August 2018 the arrest and imprisonment in Owerri of 100 women protesting against violence carried out by the security forces and specifically the attack on my home; in 2017 and 2018 brutal beatings given by Nigerian soldiers and police to anyone wearing or carrying the Biafran flag, including a disabled man in Onitsha; the indiscriminate burning down of houses by Nigerian Police in Abia State in October 2019, because their inhabitants support Biafran self-determination.

The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) that I lead, has one principal purpose: we call for the recognition of the Biafran people’s right to self-determination. We pursue the right to self-determination for Biafrans without the use of force. We uphold human rights. We reject violence. Our successes are measured by peaceful protest, such as the stay-at-home day we have organised on 30 May each year to commemorate the Biafran declaration of independence in 1967.

And yet, despite the violence meted out to us on such occasions, we are called ‘terrorists’ and proscribed by the Nigerian government. No one else in the world has agreed with this move to ban our movement.

In a letter to the president of Nigeria in March 2019, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights declared Nigeria’s proscription of IPOB as a terrorist group and attacks against its members as prima facie violation of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights. The outlawing of IPOB has given the Nigerian government an excuse to send in the army and provided impetus for Islamist militias to drive us from our homes.

Biafra has always been wealthier, better endowed with natural resources and more creative with them than the north of Nigeria. When Nigeria was created in 1914 the stated purpose by then Governor of Britain’s West African colonies, Sir Frederick Lugard, was to marry the rich South to the Poor North and even up the economics of both. It never worked. It only forced together unhappy and angry bedfellows.

The outlawing of IPOB has given the Nigerian government an excuse to send in the army and provided impetus for Islamist militias to drive us from our homes

Almost from the moment Nigeria’s independence was declared, the Biafran people wanted out, which led to the bloody war of 1967-70. Now Nigeria’s government, dominated for so many years by politicians and top brass from the north, has set itself to oppose with full military force peaceful calls for Biafran self-determination. No doubt they hope to stave off the collapse of Nigeria, which commentators from all regions have recognised in recent months.

I came back to my home country in October 2015 to try to help bring an end to the violence and persecution by peaceful means. From London, where I had been living, I had set up Radio Biafra to offer a platform for debate over the right to self-determination of the Biafran people. Because of my activism and vocal criticism of the Nigerian government, I was arrested, demeaned, degraded and treated atrociously and held without trial in an undisclosed location for 18 months.

I was accused of treason and belonging to an illegal organisation. I was denied the bail that had been granted me. And when I was finally released on bail, less than a month before my court hearing, the Nigerian army was sent to kill me as part of its ongoing activities against Biafrans known as Operation Python Dance. So I wouldn’t have a judge decide on my case in a free and open hearing. I wouldn’t be able to expose the attempts by the Department of State Security to silence me. I wouldn’t have the chance to turn the spotlight of the media on to Nigeria itself.

 A security guard in the empty Ogbaru Market in 2017, closed to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the Nigerian Civil War (AFP/Getty)

After that terrible day in September 2017, I woke up in a safe house. I was in great pain. My left side was swollen, and every breath was agonising. I had internal bleeding, a doctor told me, and I was advised to rest before I could go anywhere. Then I remembered my parents, my family members who had stayed in the house, young nephews and nieces. I was told they had all congregated in my mother’s room when the soldiers broke in. The room was peppered with machine gun fire.

Nnamdi Kanu (centre) with his parents

At the time I knew nothing more. Later on I discovered how, miraculously, no one was killed or badly hurt and the Nigerian army let them be once they knew I was not in the house. But the attack took its toll on my parents. My mother suffered heart complications as a result of the trauma and stress of the Nigerian army’s invasion of my house. She became very ill and died earlier this year. It would not be an overstatement to say that the primary cause of my mother’s death was Operation Python Dance 2. I have lost a mother. My father, a strong man, a chief among Biafrans, has lost his life’s companion. Sadly, we have watched his own health decline since the attack on our home and my mother’s death.

I mourn my mother. I mourn all my IPOB family member who had given their lives to protect mine. All those who have been killed since, protesting the actions of the Nigerian security forces in Biafraland. They were brave, good people. They should not have been forced to make that sacrifice, but I will honour them for it until my dying day.

All those who have been killed, protesting the actions of the Nigerian security forces in Biafraland, were brave, good people. They should not have been forced to make that sacrifice.

Eventually we were able to rent a boat on the coast. We left from a small town in Abia, Azumiri, an unobtrusive place where the Nigerian authorities might not have thought to look. We planned to go to the Republic of Benin, just west of Nigeria. For 14 days we travelled in dangerous seas in a small boat with an outboard motor. The Atlantic off that coast is heavy, stormy, treacherous. On more than one occasion waves threatened to swamp our little craft. I was still gravely injured and in need of constant medical attention. At one point we put ashore to find ice to keep the medication I needed chilled. It was a dangerous time. I stayed hidden in a room while my companions went foraging for supplies.

From Benin I travelled by road to Senegal, a distance of nearly 2,000 kilometres. Once in Senegal I was able to make arrangements to travel to Israel. None of these journeys was easy. I was still in pain and the threat from Nigerian agents abroad never went away. When we stopped to rest on the road, I couldn’t go out. My world was shrunk to a room with a window, and sometimes not even that. I might as well have been in prison.

Benin, Togo, Ghana, Ivory Coast, all the countries I had to pass through rely economically on Nigeria, their governments corrupt enough to arrest me and send me back. I had to stay silent, unknown. I couldn’t even tell my wife or family where I was, just in case they became targets. It was agonising to realise that they didn’t know if I was dead or alive. Israel was a haven for me, but it took over a year to get there, and only then did I feel confident enough to let my fellow IPOB family members and immediate family know I was safe.

The men who came to my family home in September 2017, came to kill me. I have no doubt of this. If they wanted to arrest me or question me, they would have sent the police or agents of the DSS. Why send soldiers trained to kill, if not to kill? I had wanted my day in court in 2017, but the military response tells me that the rule of law in Nigeria has collapsed. Government agents act with impunity, and I include among them the Fulani terrorists who are doing the Nigerian government’s dirty work, not one of whom has been brought to justice for the murders they’ve carried out.

It is a sign that Nigeria itself is imploding. The old order which has clung to power for decades can only survive at the end of a gun. But even now, if a Nigerian government was willing to talk honestly and openly about our demands and to consider a referendum on self-determination for the Biafran people, in a neutral space provided by the United Nations, I would be there at the table.

Look around Africa today. There are some countries with a functioning democracy, where the rule of law is respected, and free and fair elections allowed. But not Nigeria. Our struggle for self-determination is the struggle of Africa’s post-colonisation from Algeria to the Cape. If we can achieve this, perhaps we can lead other African countries to bring democracy and respect for law and human rights into the lives of African peoples.

MAZI NNAMDI KANU TODAY, 

ANOTHER MAN TOMORROW. 

Major General Alexander A. Madiebo had posited in his account: 'Nigerian Revolution and the Biafran War' that why we lost the war was, above other factors, the lack of effective leadership and 'grievous mistakes' (pg. 378)

Intrinsically, it has ever since lived in the psyche of an Igbo man that he was conquered, hence, he treads with caution. On the other hand, even an illiterate aboki shoe shiner in open markets in Igbo land moves about with an impetuous aura of a warlord. He feels that he has conquered the Igbo man, somehow not complete. Little wonder they carry total annihilation of the Igbo man in their chest.

BLACKMAIL IS THE GAME :

One of the reasons Nigeria will never survive its current socio-economic problem and security challenges, can be found in the willingness of Nigeria leaders to do the right thing without considering their vested interests. Unfortunately, the slavish mentality engraved in the DNA of some people from different ethnic nationalities, fuelled by political cum religious barbarism, is another force driving the contraption; Nigeria out of the state of nirvana straight to the state of oblivion.

Many of the leaders will always like to impose their choice candidates against the wish and will of the people, in an attempt to protect their loot and their image from being maligned by a proactive government in future. In milieu of this, anointing of a choice candidate who must work in tandem with his intentions to formulate and implement policies that will favour him or his own people without giving a damn whether it is inimical to the total existence of the other people from other ethnic nationalities is the standard of operations in Nigeria. To achieve this, they will choose someone who obviously has skeletons in his cupboard; someone with a fraud charges, forged certificate, age falsification and past criminal records, so that it will be easy to pass through him or her when it is time "to play games with the godfathers", all these dents will be used as tools to blackmail their stooge or puppets in office.

It is on record that former president; Olusegun Obasanjo during his regime that spanned up to eight years, made use of four Senate presidents; Adolphus Nwagbara, Evan Enwerem, Chuba Okadigbo and Dr. Ken Nnamani. As a Senate president, Adolphus Nwagbara was removed because of fraud charges, a case he had as former Education minister, Evan Enwerem was removed as Senate president on issues bothering on age falsification, not minding that he was given certificate by INEC even when his case was still with the election petition tribunal with the real winner of his senatorial zone election. Only Chuba Okadigbo and Dr. Ken Nnamdi had clean records, so there was no way they could be blackmailed out of office. Okadigbo stood his ground against the dictatorial tendencies of the executive, at a point, he smuggled the symbol of authority of national assembly to his home town, although he lost his life as Senate President but Oyi of Oyi as he was fondly called was a real democrat. Dr. Ken Nnamani was instrumental to the clamping of the wings of the over ambitious President Olusegun Obasanjo who wanted to extend his tenure against the constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria, Ken was able to achieve that by ruling against voice vote on the floor of the Senate, for or against the third term bid of the president by opting for voting process that incorporates normal counting of votes, and to be transmitted live on the National Television Authority.

The former Finance minister in this APC regime; Kemi Adeosun was removed unceremoniously on issues bothering on fake NYSC discharge certificate, I hope you have not forgotten Salisu Buhari, the former leader of the house of representatives who was removed over his fake Toronto University of Canada certificate. I strongly believe someone may not have not done his job very well by not verifying the records and credentials of these people or they may have been chosen by the cabals irrespective of their shortcomings, so as to be used or be blackmailed out of office should they fail to play games with their boss, one good turn they say deserves another.

Now coming back to Imo State, Mr. Hope Uzodinma did not win the election, the results are there for you to check, the accredited voters are less than the total vote cast, there is also an alleged case of fraud linked to him, now with the above illustrations, knowing that his purported victory is hanging on a pendulum just like a gift from the marine spirit, the question now is, will he serve Imolites faithfully and dutifully or will he give his loyalty to those who have made him the governor of Imo state against all odds? Any attempt to go against his boss and sponsors will see him out of the government house.

In the case of Chris Nwabueze Ngige versus Peter Obi, all that was needed for President Obasanjo to remove him for insubordination to his sponsors was just for an INEC staff to come to the High Court Enugu and present a statement as a witness, that they the umpire in electoral matters; INEC , rigged the election result that produced Dr. Chris Nwabueze Ngige as the governor of Anambra State that's all, case closed, and both the INEC officials and the entire jury smiled to the banks.

Time to dismember the contraption is now, before another humanitarian crises will be witnessed globally, because of the ulterior motives of the wicked African leaders, religious extremists and ethnic bigots.

 

Written by:

Obi Emma

For: The Biafra Restoration Voice -TBRV

Published by:

Chibuike John Nebeokike

For: The Biafra Restoration Voice - TBRV

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TBRV | Biafra 

Did our people not say, painfully but rightly, that what kills the mother-hen does not allow its chick to see the light of the day?

The Igbo chick continues to see the light of the day thanks to the doggedness of people like 'extinct' Uwazuruike who was found complicit. No matter his offences, Uwazuruike held brief for ndi Igbo for sometime. It is not to claim cecity to his double standard which left more to be desired.

Like Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, Enyinnaya Abaribe has been strong force in the fight to prevent the total extermination of Igbo people. Each of these men have faced an upheaval so much that they have lived in fear and threat to life in attempt to ensure that the Igbo race is not obliterated.

Nnamdi Kanu, the valiant crown Prince of Afaraukwu Ibeku is probably in the toughest stage of his life. He is suffering today because of his love for Igbo nation. As a prince with multi international passports, Kanu is not hungry, neither is he seeking for cheap attention. The very terrain we live is a makeshift plain. He is fighting for his people to remain alive with some dignity.

His parents will be buried on 14th February 2020, as a result of trauma caused by incessant attacks and suffering of Nnamdi Kanu and the Igbo race at large. Unable to attend the burial, I wonder how devastated Nnamdi Kanu is right now.

The onus falls on Igbo leaders to stand up and give the King and Queen of Afarukwu Ibeku a befitting burial and ensure that Nigerian military do not complicate issues. You might accuse Nnamdi Kanu of being 'loud' yet there is hardly other effective ways to check the obdurate and recalcitrant Nigerian military who take orders from those they should restrict to nursery garden -forever!.

Orji Uzo Kalu is in prison today for a reason not unconnected with his failure to shut Nnamdi Kanu up. The South Eastern governors must move quick to protect Nnamdi Kanu no matter the cost and protect the people of Afaraukwu Ibeku. The Nigerian military must not be allowed to have a field-day in that community, hence their constant push to wipe US out will be near fruition.

If we fail to push them back,

If Igbo leaders fail to protect Mazi Nnamdi Kanu,

If we fail to stand behind Mazi Nnamdi Kanu..,

We might say that we do not know what will happen next.

But we do know that "ONE MAN TODAY, ANOTHER MAN TOMORROW," yet we do not know who is next.

💬Chukwuebuka Amaechi

(Rebroadcast)

I DO NOT OWN THE COPY RIGHTS

 TO THE MUSIC PLAYING.IT

 IS ALREADY ON PUBLIC DORMAIN INCLUDING YOUTUBE.

THIS IS A REPEAT BROADCAST FROM RADIO BIAFRA LIVE BROADCAST BY: MAZI NNAMDI KANU

WARNING!: VIEWERS DISCRETION IS ADVISED ON SOME LIKELY DISTURBING IMAGES OF TORTURE AND KILLINGS BY THE NIGERIA ISLAMIST BOKO HARAM RECRUITED INTO THE NIGERIA ARMY AS 'REPENTANT BOKO HARAM MEMERS' ''

THE NIGERIA STATE SPONSORED TORTURE AND KILLINGS OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLE OF BIAFRA SEEKING SELF DETERMINATION THROUGH

#BiafraReferendum

#BiafraSelfdetermination

JOIN IPOB FAMILY MEETINGS NEAREST TO YOU AND CONTRIBUTE YOUR QUOTA TO RESTORE BIAFRA TO HER SOVEREIGNTY TO SAVE CHILDREN

THIS IS RADIO BIAFRA LIVE BROADCAST 14TH JANUARY,2020

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Buried for 50 years: Britain’s shameful role in the Biafran war

By: Frederick Forsyth

A million children starved to death. I’m haunted by the images I saw there – and by the complicity of the Wilson government.

It is a good thing to be proud of one’s country, and I am – most of the time. But it would be impossible to scan the centuries of Britain’s history without coming across a few incidents that evoke not pride but shame. Among those I would list are the creation by British officialdom in South Africa of the concentration camp, to persecute the families of Boers. Add to that the Amritsar massacre of 1919 and the Hola camps set up and run during the struggle against Mau Mau.But there is one truly disgusting policy practised by our officialdom during the lifetime of anyone over 50, and one word will suffice: Biafra.

This referred to the civil war in Nigeria that ended 50 years ago this month. It stemmed from the decision of the people of the eastern region of that already riot-racked country to strike for independence as the Republic of Biafra. As I learned when I got there as a BBC correspondent, the Biafrans, mostly of the Igbo people, had their reasons.

The federal government in Lagos was a brutal military dictatorship that came to power in 1966 in a bloodbath. During and following that coup, the northern and western regions were swept by a pogrom in which thousands of resident Igbo were slaughtered. The federal government lifted not a finger to help. It was led by an affable British-educated colonel, Yakubu Gowon. But he was a puppet. The true rulers were a group of northern Nigerian colonels. The crisis deepened, and in early 1967 eastern Nigeria, harbouring about 1.8 million refugees, sought restitution. A British-organised conference was held in Ghana and a concordat agreed. But Gowon, returning home, was flatly contradicted by the colonels, who tore up his terms and reneged on the lot. In April the Eastern Region formally seceded and on 7 July, the federal government declared war.

Biafra was led by the Eastern Region’s Oxford-educated former military governor, “Emeka” Ojukwu. London, ignoring all evidence that it was Lagos that reneged on the deal, denounced the secession, made no attempt to mediate and declared total support for Nigeria.

I arrived in the Biafra capital of Enugu on the third day of the war. In London I had been copiously briefed by Gerald Watrous, head of the BBC’s West Africa Service. What I did not know was that he was the obedient servant of the government’s Commonwealth Relations Office (CRO), which believed every word of its high commissioner in Lagos, David Hunt. It took two days in Enugu to realise that everything I had been told was utter garbage.

I had been briefed that the brilliant Nigerian army would suppress the rebellion in two weeks, four at the most. Fortunately the deputy high commissioner in Enugu, Jim Parker, told me what was really happening. It became clear that the rubbish believed by the CRO and the BBC stemmed from our high commissioner in Lagos. A racist and a snob, Hunt expected Africans to leap to attention when he entered the room – which Gowon did. At their single prewar meeting Ojukwu did not. Hunt loathed him at once.

My brief was to report the all-conquering march of the Nigerian army. It did not happen. Naively, I filed this. When my report was broadcast our high commissioner complained to the CRO in London, who passed it on to the BBC – which accused me of pro-rebel bias and recalled me to London. Six months later, in February 1968, fed up with the slavishness of the BBC to Whitehall, I walked out and flew back to west Africa. Ojukwu roared with laughter and allowed me to stay. My condition was that, having rejected British propaganda, I would not publish his either. He agreed.

But things had changed. British covert interference had become huge. Weapons and ammunition poured in quietly as Whitehall and the Harold Wilson government lied and denied it all. Much enlarged, with fresh weapons and secret advisory teams, the Nigerian army inched across Biafra as the defenders tried to fight back with a few bullets a day. Soviet Ilyushin bombers ranged overhead, dropping 1,000lb bombs on straw villages. But the transformation came in July.

Missionaries had noticed mothers emerging from the deep bush carrying children reduced to living skeletons yet with bloated bellies. Catholic priests recognised the symptoms – kwashiorkor or acute protein deficiency.

That same July the Daily Express cameraman David Cairns ran off a score of rolls of film and took them to London. Back then, the British public had never seen such heartrending images of starved and dying children. When the pictures hit the newsstands the story exploded. There were headlines, questions in the House of Commons, demonstrations, marches.

As the resident guide for foreign news teams I became somewhat overwhelmed. But at last the full secret involvement of the British government started to be exposed and the lies revealed. Wilson came under attack. The story swept Europe then the US.

Donations flooded in. The money could buy food – but how to get it there? Around year’s end the extraordinary Joint Church Aid was born.

The World Council of Churches helped to buy some clapped-out freighter aircraft and gained permission from Portugal to use the offshore island São Tomé as a base. Scandinavian pilots and crew, mostly airline pilots, offered to fly without pay. Joint Church Aid was quickly nicknamed Jesus Christ Airlines. And thus came into being the world’s only illegal mercy air bridge.

On a visit to London in spring 1969 I learned the efforts the British establishment will take to cover up its tracks. Every reporter, peer or parliamentarian who had visited Biafra and reported on what he had seen was smeared as a stooge of Biafra – even the utterly honourable John Hunt, leader of the Everest expedition.

Throughout 1969 the relief planes flew through the night, dodging Nigerian MiG fighters, to deliver their life-giving cargoes of reinforced milk powder to a jungle airstrip. From there trucks took the sacks to the missions, the nuns boiled up the nutriments and kept thousands of children alive.

Karl Jaggi, head of the Red Cross, estimated that up to a million children died, but that at least half a million were saved. As for me, sometimes in the wee small hours I see the stick-like children with the dull eyes and lolling heads, and hear their wails of hunger and the low moans as they died.

What is truly shameful is that this was not done by savages but aided and assisted at every stage by Oxbridge-educated British mandarins. Why? Did they love the corruption-riven, dictator-prone Nigeria? No. From start to finish, it was to cover up that the UK’s assessment of the Nigerian situation was an enormous judgmental screw-up. And, worse: with neutrality and diplomacy from London it could all have been avoided.

Biafra is little discussed in the UK these days – a conflict overshadowed geopolitically by the Vietnam war, which raged at the same time. Yet the sheer nastiness of the British establishment during those three years remains a source of deep shame that we should never forget.

• Frederick Forsyth is a former war correspondent and an author
Nnamdi Kanu; 
The Man That Rose To Power 
Without Political Power

Nnamdi Kanu; The Man That Rose To Power Without Political Power

Some people in politics and those who revere themselves as intellectuals have refused to accept the fact that Mazi Nnamdi Kanu is another leader that is much respected like Ikemba Ojukwu was respected in 1967/70.

Every now and then they portray Mazi Nnamdi Kanu as a no body. I once read from one of them saying that Nnamdi Kanu is not an Igbo leader. They might be right. Nnamdi Kanu is not just an Igbo leader. He is a Biafran leader, and Igbo is part of Biafra. So it is wrong to describe him as mere Igbo leader.

Nnamdi Kanu is the only man that can command millions of youths in Igbo land and beyond and they will respond. In fact millions are just waiting for him to say the word and it will be done. Even those abroad are also solidly behind him.

IPOB leader doesn't need monetary inducement like the south East governors before he can gather millions around him. He once said that he will go to Abuja with millions of IPOB members for his Court case, and Nigeria government quickly truncated the Court case, by attacking his family house, killing dozens, resulting to his parents eventual death.

The fear of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu is the beginning of wisdom. Just ordinary announcement of the burial of his parents, Nigeria government deployed battalions of soldiers in and around Afaraukwu. One thing we failed to acknowledge is the fact that Nigeria government deployed these soldiers because they are afraid of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu. They deployed soldiers not at the standpoint of strength, but fear. Just like the few dirty politicians and their intellectual counterparts will wish Nnamdi Kanu away, the Nigeria government knows how powerful he is. They are no more taking him for granted. They have seen what he is doing to them abroad. With what Kanu has achieved so far, one wonders how ndi intellectual still wish him away.

So many people dancing a shameful dance for the politicians pretend not to know that Mazi Nnamdi Kanu controls more than 90% of the Biafra youths. They don't know that he holds the future in his hand. This young man didn't do this with money or political power. He did it from nothing. Just from telling people the truth and exposing the evil of the government. When he started so many people called him a dreamer. Many laughed at him, but he persisted. Today, you can see how massive the movement has become.

From nothing Mazi Nnamdi Kanu rose to an enviable height. History will remember him as the only man in the entire Eastern region that became a respected Leader without smelling political power.

The only reason some few conscienceless individuals masquerading as intellectuals worship the Governors is because of the peanuts they receive from them. But tomorrow is coming, when they will be judged accordingly.

The governors of South East will work more harder to sell their people, as to please the Fulani.

But IPOB will neutralize them. The people will depend on IPOB for every thing.

Elochukwu Ohagi, 2020.

For Family Writers Press International.

Elochukwu Nicholas Ohagi

Image may contain: one or more people and people sitting.

 

2020 VISION 020

((Biafrans You Have Seen

How Fulanis Butchered Our people

 In Ebonyi State, Beheading Some And Burning Some.

Is this not what the Lord showed in No2 which says "TOMORROW BEING MONDAY AND THE NEXT DAY BEING TUESDAY MARCH 9TH AND 10TH, ANYWHERE YOU ARE BE AT ALERT TO DEFEND YOURSELF AGAINST ANY EVENTUALIT". But what happened, 1person shot in Enugu on 9th and 17 person's killed in Ebonyi State yesterday 10th which are the same exact dates i asked our people to be at alert to defend themselves against any eventuality. But the foolish ones are busy insulting me. God will surely judge every man according to their works. These People diverting attention by insulting and abusing me instead of suggesting measures to defend our land are part of the problem. Biafrans we must set night watches and be at alert))

STRIKING REVELATIONS FROM THE LORD ON THE PEOPLE'S FREEDOM WHICH TOOK AWAY SLEEP FROM MY EYES TODAY MARCH 8TH, 2020.

I HAD WANTED TO HOLD MY PEACE AND WATCH THINGS UNFOLDING BUT THE ANGEL OF BIAFRA'S FREEDOM USING OUR LEADER MAZI NNAMDI KANU'S FACE VISITED ME AGAIN, SO I MUST CONTINUE.

MARK THESE REVELATIONS:

1) A TIME OF TROUBLE AND CONFUSION IS COMING.

THIS IS BECAUSE THE PEOPLE SHALL BE WILLING AND READY TO DEFEND THEMSELVES AGAINST THE ENEMIES.

2) TOMORROW BEING MONDAY AND THE NEXT DAY TUESDAY MARCH 9TH & 10TH, ANYWHERE YOU ARE BE AT ALERT TO DEFEND YOURSELF AGAINST ANY EVENTUALITY.

3) I SAW BY REVELATION, OUR LEADER MAZI NNAMDI KANU SAYING THAT HE WANTS TO GO TO A PLACE. HE JUST HAVE TO ORDER HIS STEPS WELL TO AVOID DISAGREEMENT.

(GOD KNOWS BETTER)

4) IN SO MUCH AS GOD IS PROTECTING OUR LEADER MAZI NNAMDI KANU, HE MUST BE MORE CAREFUL NOW THAN BEFORE BECAUSE I SEE SOME HIDDEN DEVICES.

5) I SEE THIS MAN DECLARE HIS SUPPORT AND LOYALTY TO A COURSE.

6) I SEE THIS MAN, THIS MAN IS A LEADER AND ALSO A RELIGIOUS LEADER MARKED FOR ATTACK. ALSO I SEE PEOPLE TO DEFEND HIM. HIS PEOPLE SHALL BE WILLING TO DEFEND HIM.

7) I SEE MANY MEN READY TO DEFEND THEIR COURSE.

8) MY ADVICE:

EVERY BIAFRAN AND OTHER INDIGENOUS PEOPLE MAKE SURE THAT YOU ALWAYS PASS INFORMATION TO OTHERS AND ALSO SEEK FOR INFORMATION INCLUDING FROM ALL MEDIA BECAUSE OF THE CONFUSION THAT'S ABOUT TO START.

THE TIME IS CLOSE.

9) MY DUTY FROM GOD, IS TO PRAY FOR OUR PEOPLE, SHOW WHAT GOD IS REVEALING AND ENCOURAGE THOSE THAT BELIEVE IN BIAFRA'S FREEDOM.

GOD BLESS BIAFRA, THOSE WHO LOVE AND CHERISH HER FREEDOM FREEDOM IN JESUS CHRIST NAME.

SHALOM.

FROM PST Chimbueze Godwin.